爱国者的游戏

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【导言】
国民教育课程始于2003年，当时许多将爱国与支持中共划等号的北京官员对香港人是否足够爱国十分担心。点燃近期怒火的是名为The China Model的教科书，该书在现代历史部分对内地历史粗糙改写，并称“多党政治会牺牲民众，而集中政Q会创造无私政府和稳定社会”

自1997年以来，香港回归已有10年有余。近年来，随着大量的大陆游客来到香港，两岸之间的民间摩擦越来越大。今年年初，“蝗虫歌”等引起两地的争论。“爱国”一词似乎有了新变化。而近来，保钓人士的回港也引来了各方的称赞。而香港的民族注意到底是什么呢?香港也有了关于爱国的课程。但是如何正确引导香港的爱国情怀，这是一个让北京头痛的问题。
Nationalism in Hong Kong
香港的民族主义
Patriot games
爱国者的游戏
Teaching Hong Kongers how to be patriotic can cut both ways
教导香港人如何爱国可能有利有弊
Aug 25th 2012 | HONG KONG | from the print edition
HOW Chinese is Hong Kong? Two recent issues have highlighted the territory’s contradictory attitudes toward the mainland. On August 22nd seven Hong Kongers belonging to the Action Committee for Defending the Diaoyu Islands returned to a heroes’ welcome. They had sailed their fishing boat to those barren rocks (known as the Senkakus by the Japanese, who administer them), and were detained briefly after landing there. The group’s supporters range from pro-Beijing front groups to radical democrats who abhor the Communist Party. Hong Kong’s new chief executive, Leung Chun-ying, applauded the seamen from a distance, as did some of his sharpest detractors. Defending hallowed soil from Japan is something that everyone can agree on.
香港是有多么中国化？近期两起事件显现了香港对内地的反对态度。8月11日，香港保钓行动委员会7名成员回港后受到了英雄般的欢迎。他们曾驾驶渔船航行到那些贫瘠的礁岛(即现被日本管理的尖阁列岛), 且在登陆后被短暂拘留。该组织的支持者是从偏向政府的前沿组织到反对共产党激进的民主党人。香港现任特首梁正英，大力赞扬了那些从远处归来的船员们，而最针对他的一些反对派也同样予以了称赞.与日抗衡,捍卫神圣国土,是大家一致赞成的.

Just hours earlier, however, the government was paddling back from a much less successful attempt at teaching patriotism. The education bureau said it would form a special committee “to allay public concern” over the city’s new Moral and National Education curriculum.
然后就在几小时之前，中央政府刚商议出的爱国教育计划却得到较少赞同。教育司表示,"为缓解公众关注的问题",计划为香港新增的道德与国民教育课程成立一个特殊委员会。

“National Education” has been around since 2003, when officials in Beijing—many of whom equate patriotism with supporting the Communist
Party—began worrying in earnest about whether Hong Kongers were patriotic enough. (Although ruled by China since 1997, the former British colony enjoys its own political and legal system.)
“国民教育课程”开始于2003年，当时许多将爱国与支持中共划等号的北京官员开始对香港人是否足够爱国一问题十分担心。(尽管香港在1997年后受中国管辖,但这块前英国殖民地享有自己的政治和法律系统。)

What ignited recent fury was a textbook titled “The China Model” which was to be given to students in the autumn. Its sections on modern history are a crude rehash of mainland propaganda, omitting any mention of the Cultural Revolution or the Tiananmen Square protests, and extolling the virtues of one-party rule: “multiparty politics could victimise people, whereas concentrated political power creates a selfless government and stable society.”
点燃近期怒火的是一本名为"中国模式"的教科书,该教科书本计划于秋季发放。在现代历史的部分是对内地历史的粗糙改写,丝毫没有提到文化大革命或天安门广场的抗议活动,并赞美一党专政的美德:“多党政治可能会牺牲弱势群体的利益,然而集中政治权力创建一个无私的政府和稳定的社会。”

The curriculum has been a blunder. Set alongside the Diaoyu debate, it has reminded Hong Kongers that it is possible to love China while loathing the Communist Party. A crucial round of elections to the Legislative Council, the territory’s version of a parliament, is due on September 9th. As the date approaches, none of the Communist Party’s local cheerleaders wants to be seen defending the education bureau’s misstep. Safer to hail victorious Chinese Olympians—visiting Hong Kong on August 24th—and patriotic rock-hopping fishermen.
针对该课程的决策是项重大失误.撇开钓鱼岛的激论不说,该事件提醒了港人爱国与仇党是可以并存的。而香港地方的议会——立法委员会将在9月9日进行一次关键的选举投票。随着日期的临近, 拥护中共的当地领导人都不愿站出来为此次教育部的失误辩护。相比而言,热烈欢迎奥运中中国获胜选手的8月24日访港行更为上策.爱国重担就放在渔船上吧。